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Starting with the demarcation
between the presidential system and the parliamentary system in the US, the
following text addresses the links between the political system, electoral law
and the structure of the party system. To this end, the main features unique to
the US party system are listed - these features are also dealt with in more
detail by the section on "US parties [...to
the section on "US parties"].
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Parties
and elections in the USA |
With the expansion of electoral
law in America came the need for party organizations with broadly based
grassroots. These parties had to be capable of implementing political demands
from large sections of society and guaranteeing responsible and reliable
government.
Unlike parties in England and Germany, those in America never
developed the system of unity and party discipline that is common across Europe. In other
words: Political parties in America do not meet the conditions necessary to
build a responsible party-based government, as is characteristic in England and
Germany. The parties in America do not have a clearly defined political program,
which would provide voters with a benchmark as to what degree the ruling party
was fulfilling its promises. Instead, parties are more a loose coalition of voters
and groups, who are primarily interested in securing power and governing based
on a wide consensus. Party leaders in Congress enter into temporary
coalitions stretching across party lines, changing often depending on the
political issue in question.
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Party
organization is not hierarchically structured... |
Unlike
most European political parties, those in America do not have a hierarchically
structured organization used by the party leader to
maintain unity and discipline rebellious Senators and Representatives
should they vote against the expressed withes of the party. The
political scientist, Hugh Bone, summed it up when he said:
"American parties are stratarchic entities in which autonomous
decisions are made at each level of the party organization. Since those
wanting to be elected to public office organize their own election
campaigns, raise their own election budgets and determine their election
strategy, party leaders are left with little means (support or
non-support) to establish party discipline. Consequently, political parties in America tend to be very
provincial in their outlook, since senators and members of Congress are tied to
local organizations, whose political focus is very narrow. |
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Provincialism
and fragmentation of the parties... |
On
top of this provincialism created by the federal system, the electoral
system encourages the splintering of American parties. This can be
attributed to the multi-cultural composition of the electorate responsible for electing
the president, senators and representatives to Congress. The electoral
college system used in presidential elections, for instance, serves in
underlining the importance of politically unsafe states with large
population density. The fact that all electoral college votes to which
an individual state is entitled go to the presidential candidate
achieving a majority of elector votes in that state (winner-takes-all
principle), means that a situation has arisen in which presidential
candidates concentrate their efforts on the 15 most highly populated
states, which taken together have a majority of electoral college votes
at their disposal. Since 1932 this has included the largest
industrialized states in which a large number of workers and people with
differing ethnic and racial backgrounds live. These groups have a
great deal of sway in determining the outcome of a presidential election.
These groups tend to support liberal and austere social policies and
are successful in forcing these through at party conferences. |
Electors
and winner-take-all |
Indeed,
the electoral college system and the principle of winner-take-all have made these groups
influential in determining the policies followed by the president. According to an assessment by
political observers Irving
Kristol and Paul Weaver it is questionable as to whether a modern
presidency could have been created and maintained from 1932 to 1968
without the electoral college system and the principle of
winner-take-all. |
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Representatives
have more of a duty to their electoral district than they do to the
party or the president... |
If
heavily populated, industrialized areas are key in electing the
president, then much more heterogeneous areas are responsible for electing
congressional and local parliament candidates. Sections of the electorate
live in scarcely
populated rural areas, small and medium-sized towns, while others live
in densely populated areas such as the megalopolis, which stretches from Los
Angeles in California to San Diego. The differing composition of the
electorate means that the President, the Senate and the House of Representatives
are all vying to promote differing economic,
political and social interests. In addition to this, a six-year term
in office for senators and staggered senatorial elections (a third
of the Senate is reelected every two years) combined with a two-year
term in office for representatives all conspire to reduce the influence of the president as the leader of the
party. Having said this, members
of Congress do respect the president's leadership role in years when
Congressional elections coincide with presidential elections than they
do for elections in between. Without the president at the top their party's list of
candidates, fellow members of the party in Congress would
tend to represent the interests and priorities of their local constituencies, states and individual regions
over and above those of the president. |
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Weakening
links to the parties... |
The
way in which American voting patterns have developed since the early
sixties has resulted in a strengthening of the centrifugal tendencies in
the party system. Firstly, there has been a continual increase in the
number of independent voters that identify neither with the Democratic
nor the Republican Party. A series of traumatic events including racial
tension, unrest in the universities and the Vietnam War combined with
the fact that neither party has managed to find lasting solutions for
economic problems such as unemployment, inflation and poverty have all
conspired to undermine the trust of the electorate in the party system.
Consequently, there is an increasing tendency among voters to focus on
the personality of the presidential candidate and current issues in
making their decision - for example Vietnam 1968, Watergate 1976 and
inflation and too much "state" in 1980. |
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Vote
splitting... |
Another
significant trend is the increase in vote splitting since 1960. In
percentage terms, the number of voters casting their vote for one party
at presidential elections and for the other party at congressional
elections has increased from 40% in 1960 to 60% in 1980. Indeed, during
the last federal election as many as 70% of independent voters split
their votes between the two largest parties. Since the Second World War,
differing
parties have controlled the executive and legislative at the same
time for a total of 14 years; this is a direct result of vote splitting. |
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The
problem of deadlock... |
Vote
splitting has produced a Republican president opposing a Democratic
Party controlled Congress on several occasions for presidents Eisenhower, Nixon, Ford
and Reagan. Indeed, the Democrats have been known to hold power in both
chambers. With the clear exceptions of Franklin
D. Roosevelt and Lyndon B. Johnson, presidential candidates for the
Democratic Party have repeatedly received less of the popular vote than
Democratic members of Congress. To this end, Republican presidents often
have to work with a opposition-controlled Congress that is dismissive of
their policies. In contrast, Democratic presidents have difficulty in
finding support for their policies, since fellow members of the party in
Congress are mostly immune to the promises and threats coming from the
White House. Vote splitting is one of the factors limiting the effectiveness
of the president's role as party leader, undermining his/her chances of
implementing party policy and creating deadlock and delay in the business
of government. |
| The
role of the media... |
If
federalism, separation of powers and recent developments in voter
patterns have conspired to fragment the party system, then the mass
media has managed to reduce further the role of the party organization
in influencing presidential policies by pushing presidential elections
to the centre of national politics. Since the "fireside
discussions" and press conferences on radio by Franklin D.
Roosevelt in the late thirties, the electronic media has become the
focus of attention for both political parties during presidential
elections. After the Second World War television radically changed the style
and means of election campaigns. On top of increasing election costs,
parties were having increasingly to employ large numbers of PR
specialists, pollsters, speech writers, public affairs advisors, professional
fund raisers and "advance troops" in order to use the media effectively.
Several election campaigns have even been planned by advertising
agencies, who took the candidates and issues and "packaged"
them in the same way as would for the market launch of a new bar of
soap. These media specialists have displaced the traditional party
leaders who were once a part of the president's team in the White House.
Since 1960, these PR and media experts have belonged to the president's
closest advisors and keep him/her informed on the direction in which
policy should take to optimize the chances of his/her reelection. |
[Taken from: Edward Keynes: Aktuelle
Entwicklungen im Regierungssystem; in: Politik und Wirtschaft in den USA,
Opladen 1985]
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