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Basic
problems with modern political thinking
The text on this page attempts to
provide a brief introduction to the problems, roots and beginnings of
modern political thinking.
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Overview:
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The creation of
the "state"
The "creation of the modern
state" forms the fundamental problem for thinkers during this era. Of
course, this wording is too teleological to accurately describe the historical
facts. This wording suggests that the modern nation state is a necessary
conclusion in the "normal development" of world history, when in actual
fact the modern nation state was created by constellations unique to Europe and then "exported" across the
world. Neither is it a necessary result
of history, but rather a result to which other theoretical and practical alternatives
existed. Such alternatives are important for the development of
political ideas, although eventually even they can be used during the fundamental
process of "growth of state authority" as defined by the
principle of heterogony of the purposes. The term "growth of state
authority" also describes a directed process, but not one for which the
result is certain. It is much more simply to do with the fact that among the many
forms of personal power, as is characteristic of the Middle Ages, those in
key central and high positions begin to accumulate power and are more or less successful
in their aim of monopolizing power for their own positions. "Key
positions" such as these are often of a monarchical nature and, indeed, the
growth of the monarchy into so-called "absolutism" as well as the
analysis of this process form a main topic as far as historical events and ideas
are concerned.
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Roots of modern
political philosophy
Machiavelli's first reaction to
the manifestation of political growth was to undertake a new analysis of
political behavior. Political theory had traditionally been a continuation of
ethics. But now it was imparting knowledge used for the enforcement of power, characterized
by a practicability, but also a practicability as far as the legitimization of
politics that until now had been regarded as being "immoral" was
concerned. Nonetheless, at the same time humanists renew traditional political
ethics through the moral impetus provided by ideas about reform, whose
remarkable rationality in dealing with the radical nature of utopian ideals theoretically
demonstrates for the first time the "dialectics of enlightenment". The
third initiative comes from the Reformation, of course, less from its theology
as from a practical necessity to defend the new faith in union with the middle
classes against the old order. Thus, ideas about resistance and people's sovereignty
were given life. Indeed, this was no different for old believers in the same
position, but was intensified by natural and international law theories that
were adapted to the needs of a world in which states were becoming autonomous.
And so conflict among confessions compounded by social crisis intensified to
such an extent as to make a strong state system the only place of shelter.
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The beginnings of
modern political philosophy
The delay of these conflicts in
England led Hobbes to link their theoretical assimilation with the new science;
the enlightenment movement during the 18th century brought with it the defining
increase in all new stimuli. Politics remained meta-politically founded; while
the standards of "nature" and "reason" are not new, in
future they are applied without considering transcendence. Public interest
remains the goal, but now public interest is not regarded as culminating in
salvation in an after life, but rather in happiness in the here and now. The imminent
world rationality now gains emancipating and humanitarian impetus; freedom and
self-determination become important slogans. At the same time, however, imminent
world rationality in a dialectic upheaval enables further growth of state authority
at the expense of the newly discovered individual dignity. This is carried out
in theory by certain consequences from Rousseau's identity philosophy and
practically by so-called "enlightened absolutism". Even during the
American Revolution this ambivalence to a British tradition of freedom and
European enlightenment proves to be irresolvable. And on top of everything, the
liberation of humanity takes place in the interest of the middle classes at the
same time. In the human-rights programs and the increasingly important political
economy, the middle-class economic individual and modern economic society enter
into dialogue with state authority which is no longer identical to them.
[Wolfgang Reinhard; entnommen aus: Hans Fenske u.a.,
Geschichte der politischen Ideen. Von Homer bis zur Gegenwart, Frankfurt/Main
1987]
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