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Overview:
Of great importance for the further development of Greece was the country's fundamental ethnic structure, which was made up of the Aolier, Lonian and Dorian races and dialects. This structure had developed during the centuries described as the "dark ages" following a period in the 12th and 11th centuries BC during which Greek tribes had moved across the country. A shared spoken religion and a shared spoken myth also developed during this period. The beginning of the subsequent "archaic period" was triggered mainly by the creation of Greek literature, the replacement of the monarchy with an aristocracy of nobles, the birth of the city-state (polis) and Greek colonization. An essential prerequisite for the polis (city-state) phenomenon was (1) the combining of city settlements with the surrounding agricultural areas, (2) outward civil and economic self-sufficiency (Eleutheria, Autarkeia) and (3) the internal structure of the polis, which represented a union of the people in a political, economic, religious and cultural partnership. These city-states were usually established around a fortified hill (acropolis) and were often sited in locations previously occupied by the Mycenaean. The birth of the polis during the 8th century BC coincided with the demise of the monarchy. In most Greek communities the monarchy was replaced by an aristocracy of nobles, who took on the newly created offices of state. The annually changing college of archons and the minister of cult, the highest state office, ruled over Athens. This college of archons was originally made up of Archon Eponymos, who named the year after himself and took on most of the king's duties. These posts of high office were later expanded to include the Polemarchos, the highest general, and the six court officials, Thesmotheten. This means that the classic number of nine Athenian archons came about following a long process of development. The archons became members of the Council of Elders (Areopagus) after they had served a term in office. This Council was responsible for general control of the city and the administration of criminal law. The Greek city-state populace (demos) had a political voice in the Popular Assembly (Ekklesia), which, admittedly, was still relatively sporadic and informal in its actions during the 8th and 7th centuries BC. By 600 at the latest, however, the Popular Assembly had taken on an institutional character and by the 5th century BC had become the central organ of the polis, determining domestic and foreign policy. Slaves stood outside of the legal and political community formed by Athens' populace. The aristocracy of nobles' power was based upon economic and therefore military superiority and it was this power base that began to totter during the 7th century caused by accelerated social change. The factors marking this process were twofold, firstly, the replacement of the nobles' dominant role in the conduct of war by the Phalanx, a body of heavily armed troops formed by the populace and, secondly, the pauperization, depravation of rights and enslavement of many small farmers by the noble landowners. This led to demands for land to be redistributed, debts to be waived and a code of rights to be established. During this period of declining power for the nobles and increasing social tension, tyranny (dictatorship) established itself in several Greek poleis, while in others an arbitrator or legislator was employed. In Athens an abortive attempt at dictatorship by Cylon (around 635 BC) was followed by the rule of Draco 624. He enacted a definite legal code and restored equality before the law. Records of only a part of this legal code remain. The main changes introduced with the legal code were those aimed at differentiating in content between murder and manslaughter and in form by the abolition of vendettas. The damaged party remained responsible for the pursuit of the perpetrator, but now the damaged party required legal permission to do so. State execution of sentences was achieved during the 5th century. Later records of the "draconian" laws portrayed them as harsher than they actually were. While Draco's legal code represented a great leap towards greater legal security, it did not solve the political and social problems. The sharp sense of tension around Athen's domestic policy continued. A combination of factors such as fear among the nobles about revolutionary change, the circumstances of many impoverished small farmers and the demands from an untitled and potentially armed populace for a greater political voice led to compromise between the opposing parties in 594/93 BC. It was agreed that Solon from the Medontiden aristocratic house would be the arbitrator (diallactes). The body of law drawn up by Solon was guided by the idea of balance, of justice (dike) and of 'good order' (Eunomia). He tackled the most pressing problem, namely the debt obligation and enslavement of small farmers with a general liquidation of debts. Moreover, Solon found a solution to the problem of slavery through debt by placing a retroactive ban on the pledging of oneself to slavery in the case of default - slaves already sold abroad were bought back. This abolition of slavery, of course, only applied to the citizens of Athens. In addition to further laws aimed at promoting trade and encouraging political activity among Athens' citizens, the type of state constitution (later referred to as timocracy in which political rights were dependent on individual wealth) created by Solon was of particular importance: Solon divided set harvest yields amongst the three existing classes the Hippies (knights/rich landowners), the Zeugits (medium-sized farmers and tradesmen) and Thetes (lightly armed/small farmers and tradesmen, laborers). Harvests were measured in bushels (approx. 52 liters); the political rights of individual citizens corresponded to the size of the harvest. A further top bracket was formed out of the Hippies class, the Pentakosiomedimnoi (the five-hundred bushels) - this group was originally reserved for the archons. Moreover, through the creation of new political institutions, the Council of the 400 (Boule) and a people's court (heliaia), Solon is thought to have given the populace more political influence. The timocratic order did nothing to change the actual distribution of power initially, because the economic superiority of the nobles was so great. Nevertheless this new order was forward-looking because of the way in which it took into account society's mobility while linking changes in political status with changes in economic and social status. Solon's reforms made a contribution to the consolidation of the polis in Athens yet did not radically alter political and social structures. If we measure Solon's reforms set against his aim of achieving domestic consolidation of Athens, then they failed: Social injustices such as the plight of small farmers were not eliminated and the power struggle among nobles for archonship raged more furiously than ever during the 6th century BC. According to the records, three opposing groups led by three nobles Lycurg, Megacles and Pisistratus vied for control of domestic policy. Pisistratus had become popular because of the war against Megara (565) and with the support of his followers, small farmers and laborers from east Attica and a large number of Athens's populace, who also granted him a bodyguard in the People's Assembly, he came to power in 561/60. He was only able to establish lasting rule in 539/38 with the help of external mercenaries after being ejected twice before. The tyrant left the existing constitution of the polis alone and reserved the highest offices of state for his family and other nobles, who submitted to his rule. Opposing aristocrats were either banished or exiled. Pisistratus' actual power was founded on mercenary troops and foreign allies. His most important actions were: The targeted deployment of local judges, clearly aimed at undermining the remaining jurisdiction of the aristocracy, the generous support shown to small farmers through loans, the foundation of new colonies and comprehensive building work. While it may well be true that these actions were taken to secure power, the historical importance of Pisistratus remains his achievement in creating social and economic consolidation for Athens, which, during the second half of the 6th century BC, enjoyed flourishing economic growth. Following the death of Pisistratus in 528 or 527, his two sons Hipparchos and Hippias took over the rule of Athens. Harmodios and Aristogeiton -later taken to court charged with being tyrant murderers - killed Hipparchos for personal reasons in 514, and his brother Hippias was overthrown in 510. Tyrannical rule also established itself in other Greek Poleis during the 7th and 6th centuries. This situation was brought about by a crisis of legitimization among an aristocracy deeply involved in a power struggle, increasing social tension and attempts to gain emancipation by the rural middle classes. The most well-known tyrants include Cypselos (660-28) and Periander (approx. 628-587) from Korinth, Cleisthenes from Sikyon (first third of the 6th century), Lygdamis from Naxos (approx. 545-24) and Polycrates from Samos (538-22). In order to do justice to these "older tyrants" as apposed to the "younger tyrants" of the 4th and 3rd centuries, it has to be pointed out that these tyrants should be seen as a tool for the rebelling populace and not just as power-hungry nobles. The historical function performed by the tyrants was to enable the transition from an aristocracy of nobles to the constitutional state under the hoplites (the armed citizens). The negative historical evaluation of tyrants as being despotic dictators and the worst of all possible constitutions is well wide of the mark and is based mostly on later records that measure this form of rule against democracy during the 5th century. Following the fall of the last tyrants, the power struggle to become archon within the aristocracy intensified. Cleisthenes eventually became archon in 525/24 after winning support from the demos through promises of reform and defeating his foe Isagoras. At the core of Cleisthenes' reform, the world's first locally-based representative constitution, was the reorganization of the phyle structure: The four old phylae, which formed the administrative units serving the political and military organization of Attica, were given sacral duties. Cleisthenes, however, created ten new phylae based on the division of Attica into three regions: The city of Athens (Asty), the interior (Mesogion) and the coast (Paralia). Each of these regions was subdivided into ten more units (Trittyen). The new phylae were made up of one Tritty from Athens, one from the interior and one from the coast and formed the basic unit of political representation (each phyle provided 50 representatives for the newly created Council of the 500) and military organization. The new phyle structure was complemented by the division of Attica into 139 boroughs (demen) which functioned as local self-administrating bodies. Whether or not the main purpose for reforming the phylae was to expand Cleisthenes' following or to democratize a city-life that was still dominated by the aristocracy remains unclear. The result of the reform, however, was, firstly, to weaken the political power of the aristocrats, which was based on local allegiances and, secondly, to prevent the development of local parties, thereupon creating political activity amongst a wide range of social classes through the institution of the Council, whose 500 members changed on an annual basis. Another important innovation attributed to Cleisthenes in later records was the process of ostracism (ostrakismos) for which evidence is first becomes available in 487. A public assembly was held each year to decide whether a ostrakismos should be held or not; in the case of a yes vote another public assembly was held about two months later in which each voter would register his vote by inscribing the name of the prospective banishee on a piece of broken pottery (ostrakon). The pieces were counted, and if enough votes were cast against him, the politician was sent away for ten years without loss of property. This method is thought to have prevented long-term personal increase of power. The Attica Sea Alliance had made Athens a maritime power. The advancement of the city and active promotion led to the completion of the development of the so-called radical democracy. The completion of this process can be attributed to Ephialtes and Pericles. Their actions must be regarded as being a reaction to the politics brokered by the conservative aristocrat Kimon and the oligarchic party that supported him. This party together with the Areiopag ruled the most important political institutions in Athens in the seventies and sixties. In 462 BC the reformers close to Ephialtes used the absence of Kimon to overthrow him. The Areopag was stripped of political power. Its only remaining function was jurisdiction over vendettas. The Popular Assembly (Ekklesia), the Council of the 500 (Boule) and the jury court (Heliaia) took on the political functions of the Council of Elders. The result of this political change in Athens was that the demos, that is, the entirety of the populace entitled to be politically active, but not the Metoikens and slaves, controlled all public life in the city. Following the murder of Ephialtes (461), Pericles (495/90-429) appeared to have advanced to the top of the democratic movement. In order to ensure that as many people as possible could be involved in the political process, those in office, the judges and those attending the Ekklesia were paid (daily allowances). This had become a necessity to compensate for loss of pay, particularly for members of the fourth class. To this end, this less wealthy section of the population, the Thetens, were given the opportunity to attend the festivities and theatre productions, which often went on for several days. [Taken from: Helmut M. Müller u.a., Schlaglichter der Weltgeschichte, Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung, Bonn 1992
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